Antarctica has not been that long in the American historical consciousness. When other countries, most notably the British, began developing an interest in the southern continent around the mid-to-late 18th century, American interests were focused primarily on developing its own newly won interior wilderness. When British Captain James Cook completed his circumnavigation of the still-unseen Antarctic in February of 1775, he wrote that if there truly was land down there, it would be perpetually locked in ice and therefore not accessible nor profitable.1 At that time, American colonists were preoccupied with protesting the presence of British troops in Boston and the battles of Lexington and Concord were mere weeks away. That is except for a small three ship whaling expedition from New England that poked around the far south Atlantic in 1774.2
Cook did however provide a spark for American interest in Antarctica when he published his journals and made reference to an abundance of seals and whales in the southern waters. This spawned a wave of commercial interest that newly independent Americans recognized as an economic opportunity. Whalers and sealers, many from New England, descended upon these lucrative hunting grounds and began systematically depleting the animals. Between 1783 and 1821, over ninety different ships from New England, New York, Rhode Island, Philadelphia and Connecticut ports worked the southern waters as sealers and occasionally whalers.3
America’s first notable exposure of the continent came at this time under the command of an 18 year old sealing captain from Connecticut named Nathaniel Palmer. Aboard the 60-foot sloop HERO, Palmer sailed south in 1820 as part of a six ship sealing fleet under senior commander Benjamin Pendleton. The young Stonington captain chanced upon a stretch of coastline in the vicinity of the 60th meridian. Palmer went on to discover Yankee Harbor and MacFarlane Strait. Since his logbooks are some of the only ones to have survived, he is generally credited with discovery of the Antarctic Peninsula. While Palmer may have been the first American to observe Antarctica, another American recognized something else about the place. Captain John Davis of the American sealing ship CECILIA landed at Hughes Bay in February 1821. Spending little time on shore in search of seals, Davis came away from the visit with the idea that this new land may indeed be a continental land mass.4 Like Palmer and Davis, Benjamin Pendleton was another American sealer who ventured into the southern ocean. His sealing expedition 1829-1831 was aboard two brigs SERAPH and ANNAWAN and accompanied by the schooner PENGUIN. ANNAWAN was under the command of Nathaniel Palmer while his brother Alexander, commanded the PENGUIN. Palmer explored the South Orkney Islands and allowed his ship’s doctor, James Eights, to collect Antarctic fossils. Eights, a doctor from Albany, is thus recognized as one of the first real scientists to visit Antarctica.5 By the 1830s, numbers of fur bearing seals had significantly dropped and entire species had become quite scarce. Sealers fanned out even farther in the southern waters in search of new sealing grounds.
By the 1840s, the urge to explore Antarctic waters became truly national endeavors, for the young United States as well. Several government sponsored expeditions sailed in a scramble to find more sealing grounds, to claim new lands and to locate the South Magnetic Pole.6 Three notable expeditions were the French under Admiral Dumont D’Urville, the British under Sir James Clark Ross, and the Americans under Lieutenant Charles Wilkes. The United States Exploring Expedition, also known as the Ex-Ex, used six vessels and over 400 men, making it the largest endeavor of its kind for its time. Wilkes sailed south from Australia and in January 1840 explored along the East Antarctic coast from Cape Hudson to the Shackleton Ice Shelf. Wilkes recorded land between 160° E and 98° E and reported the existence of a continental land mass. Today it is known as Wilkes Land.7
European interest in Antarctica reappeared during the mid to late 19th century, but most Americans were consumed by the American Civil War and then the western reaches of the United States. This culminated in the end of their frontier.8 Except for yearly sealing expeditions out of New England, usually from Stonington or New Bedford and consisting of only a few small ships, America had few other experiences with the Antarctic from the 1850s until the late 1890s.
One connection was the 1851 publication of American Matthew Fontaine Maury’s edition of Explanations and sailing directions to accompany the wind and current charts. This work proposed the idea of great circular sailing routes for vessels to round Cape of Good Hope for New Zealand and Asia. Merchant ships swinging low along these circle-routes would come across small, isolated Antarctic islands, many for the first time. Such was the case of the unexpected discovery of land in November 1853 by an American captain John Heard aboard the merchant ship ORIENTAL. The island, eventually named after its founder, became a sealing industry site by 1853 and was operated by the United States for almost thirty years. Its population of elephant seals were soon and efficiently harvested.9
Other sporadic events included 1871 in the South Shetland Islands when the United States enjoyed a brief revival in the fur sealing trade. Over 30,000 seal skins were taken in about three years, dealing another grave blow to the recovery of these animal populations. By 1874 as the seal herds were thinning out, an international effort to study the transit of Venus included the United States, who sent ships USS SWATERA and USS MONONGAHELA to Kerguelen and Crozet to establish observatories. In 1881, the American corvette USS MARION was dispatched to Heard Island to search for survivors of the New London sealer TRINITY.
As seal herds vanished, so did the sealing industry in the southern waters. Some of the last American sealing expeditions to the south was Captain Benjamin Dunham Cleveland’s voyages from New Bedford in 1901-2 aboard the LEONORA and in 1905-6 and 1906-7 aboard the DAISY. And even later, an American Captain named Church sailed the STRANGER in 1907-8 to the South Sandwich Islands in search of seals. Cleveland returned two more times to the sealing grounds in the DAISY in 1908-9 and finally in 1912-13 and is credited as probably being the last of the old time fur sealers to visit South Georgia. Also during 1908-9, Captain James Waterman Budington ended New London sealing voyages with a visit to Kerguelen aboard the Margaret. New Bedford ended its sealing voyages with Captain Valentine Rosa and the MORNING STAR’s last visit to Tristan de Cunha in 1912-14.10 By the outbreak of World War I, the great commercial enterprise of sealing in southern waters had come to an end for the United States. What remained were sporadic expeditions of some sealing but mostly whaling enterprises such as the return of Benjamin Cleveland aboard the CHARLES W. MORGAN in 1916-17 and one last attempt at sealing aboard the WILLIAM A. GRABER in 1921-22.11
In July 1895, London hosted the Sixth International Geographical Congress, to which few Americans paid much attention. Several countries made plans for further southern exploration at this gathering, and set off an international rivalry, but with little American notice or interest. Although no direct national involvement occurred, individual Americans did take part in some of these expeditions that have been characterized as the ‘Heroic Age’ of Antarctic exploration.
An American named Frederick Cook served as doctor aboard the BELGICA, commanded by Belgian Lieutenant Adrien de Gerlache.12 The ship’s international company also included Norwegian 3rd Mate Roald Amundsen, Polish geologist Henryk Arctowski and Rumanian zoologist Emile Racovitza. Intentionally or not, the ship became trapped in thick ice of the Bellingshausen Sea near 70°20’S and 85°W where they spent the next 13 months battling scurvy, darkness and mental strain. Cook’s leadership became instrumental in their survival until the ship finally freed itself in March 1899. Another American connection at this time involved Sir Ernest Shackleton’s British ENDURANCE expedition and his attempt to cross the Antarctic continent in 1914. American William Bakewell of Chicago, who took part in the ordeal and was eventually rescued from Elephant Island, had signed aboard posing as a Canadian.13 Also during World War I, an American voyage led by James P. Ault aboard the CARNEGIE circumnavigated the Antarctic continent and conducted magnetic research. An American expedition led by Rollo Howard Beck sailed on the FRANCE and collected bird specimens in February 1926 from sub-Antarctic islands. It was called the Whitney South Sea Expedition and had been sent out under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History.14
It was not until Richard E. Byrd organized and led his first expedition to Antarctica and Lincoln Ellsworth tried to fly across the continent that America became a major participant in Antarctic exploration and scientific inquiry. It was the beginning of a strong relationship with the continent that continues to this day. Byrd’s United States Antarctic Expedition sailed in 1928 and established Little America on the eastern edge of the Ross Ice Shelf in the vicinity of the Bay of Whales.15 Byrd had parlayed his claim of success for his North Pole flight and his transatlantic flight triumph into an expedition to Antarctica with the aim of being first to fly over the South Pole, which occurred on November 29, 1929. New lands and mountains were discovered and the chief scientist Laurence M. Gould led an extended sledge trip to the continent’s interior. Byrd returned to America a hero and quickly planned another venture south.
This first full American exposure to the Antarctic had captured the imagination of August Horowitz. Horowitz, son of Russian immigrants, was a friend of Paul Siple, who had been selected by Byrd as eagle scout to accompany his first Antarctic expedition. Horowitz had established a career with the National Council of the Boy Scouts of America and wanted to report on Siple’s activities in the south. He started The Metropolitan Pilot, a mimeographed newsletter that went out monthly to Siple’s family and friends, as well as the 25 members of Siple’s sea scout ship.16 The newsletter was a hit and when Byrd announced plans for a return to the Antarctic, August Horowitz created The Little America Times. Eighteen monthly issues came out between December 27, 1933 and May 31, 1935. When a concern arose about items in the issues possibly violating the expedition’s media contracts, Byrd himself supported Horowitz’s project.17 Geared mainly for relatives and friends of expedition members, The Little America Times also contained news of Lincoln Ellsworth’s Antarctic activities.
In 1933 independently wealthy explorer Lincoln Ellsworth had sailed aboard the WYATT EARP hoping to fly across the continent from the Ross Sea to the Antarctic Peninsula. He had teamed up with Roald Amundsen in arctic adventures and had now turned his attention south. His plans however were dashed when on takeoff day, his plane the POLAR STAR, plunged into the sea through suddenly disintegrating ice. They were able to recover the plane but found it too damaged and Ellsworth vowed to return. In the same year, Byrd returned south with ships BEAR OF OAKLAND and JACOB RUPPERT. More extensive explorations by air were planned as well as a wintertime solo odyssey at a remote camp more than a hundred miles inland from Little America II, all documented in the pages of The Little America Times. Byrd’s solitary stint nearly ended in disaster when he almost died from carbon monoxide poisoning.18
A Polar library at the American Geographical Society or in the American Museum of Natural History was proposed as well as a concerted effort to recruit scientists and expedition veterans as members and the maintenance of regular contact with similar organizations worldwide.Even before the return of Byrd’s second Antarctic expedition, August Horowitz and others determined that no government agency existed that could be a clearinghouse of information about Antarctica. There was also no way for the public, both young and old, to satisfy their growing interest in the south. Horowitz wrote to W.L.G. Joerg, a cartographer and historian, about this predicament and a possible solution with the creation of a privately funded organization.19 He outlined an ambitious agenda that included President Franklin Roosevelt being the society’s honorary president and Byrd and Ellsworth as honorary vice-presidents. A Polar library at the American Geographical Society or in the American Museum of Natural History was proposed as well as a concerted effort to recruit scientists and expedition veterans as members and the maintenance of regular contact with similar organizations worldwide. Finally, Horowitz outlined a plan of service for education of children with the development of bibliographies and lesson plans for teachers.20
Notices went out to potential members in November of 1934 for the American Antarctic Society and the American Museum of Natural History offered meeting space and a mail address. On January 1, 1935 there were 25 members. Within the year, however, Fred Meinholtz of the New York Times proposed expanding the organization by renaming it the American Polar Society. An organizational meeting was held in New York in September and the name change was accepted. August Horowitz chaired the meeting. There were 93 members by this time from 25 states and 7 foreign countries. Paul Siple was named the society’s first president and in November of 1935, the APS held its first annual meeting.21 There was much to do and discuss.
During 1935, Ellsworth had returned south and set up camp at Dundee Island near the Antarctic Peninsula’s tip. The repaired POLAR STAR took off and leapfrogged across vast stretches of new territory as bad weather constantly forced them to land and await improved conditions. With no fuel, they were forced to land and sledged the remaining distance of 16 miles to Byrd’s abandoned Little America camp. Once there, they had to dig down to get into one of the buildings and await the WYATT EARP’s arrival. Ellsworth returned one final time to the Antarctic in 1938-1939 and made an inland flight to 72°S 79°E.22
The APS quickly set up copyright arrangements to receive and reprint articles with the New York Times and the North American Newspaper Alliance. The Burrelle Press Clipping Bureau soon came on board for $1 a month fee. By 1937, August Horowitz had concluded agreements with the Associated Press, UPI, New York Herald Tribune and London Times. Soon the Christian Science Monitor and Brooklyn Eagle followed. The first issue of The Polar Times came out in June 1935 and contained information about Byrd, Ellsworth, Sir Hubert Wilkins’ submarine and some polar-related obituaries.23 Famous polar personalities rushed to join the society at this time, including Bernt Balchen, Richard Black and Finn Ronne.
Richard Byrd’s third Antarctic expedition 1939-1941 established two bases on opposite sides of the continent from which to conduct extensive aerial exploration. They were under the auspices of the newly created United States Antarctic Service. West Base was located at Little America III at the Bay of Whales, while East Base was located 2000 miles away on Stonington Island in Marguerite Bay on the Antarctic Peninsula.24 After a productive winter of science work and a spring sledging season, West Base was shut down by the end of January 1941 and the closing of East Base soon followed. This particular Byrd expedition marked a turning point in that the United States government took the initiative in conducting and supporting an ongoing scientific and military presence in Antarctica. The outbreak of World War II only delayed this burgeoning U.S. involvement.
At the conclusion of World War II, the United States stood as one of the most powerful countries in the world. With the beginnings of the cold war and rising tensions between the Soviet Union and U.S., the northern polar regions became a strategic consideration. Knowledge gleaned from living, working and operating in a harsh polar climate would aid the Free World’s struggle against communism. Antarctica could provide an excellent training ground. Scientific fields such as ionosphere studies, radio communications and cold-weather influences on military equipment could also be beneficial. Thus, Operation HIGH JUMP was developed and became the largest expenditure of men, money and equipment ever sent on a polar expedition. Involving over 4,700 men aboard 13 navy vessels (including a submarine and an aircraft carrier), the expedition also had use of 23 aircraft. Byrd was named Officer-in-Charge and the ships of Task Force 68 were commanded by Rear Admiral Richard Curzen.25
HIGH JUMP was deemed a success with over 60% of the continent’s coastline photographed. Science, however, had taken a back seat to the exploration led by the military, with the resulting “three scientific publications…a poor yield.”26 From the Navy view, however, the operation was considered a resounding success. With little or no opportunity to conduct scientific investigations, many scientists balked at ever returning to Antarctica with the U.S. Navy. “The result was that many of the best scientific opportunities were left to airplane pilots, most of whom unfortunately did not recognize them.”27 It was the start of an ongoing, often tense, relationship between science and military in the Antarctic.
The 1940s had also seen changes within the American Polar Society. August Horowitz (by this time now known as August Howard) had almost single-handedly been responsible for putting The Polar Times together. In 1947, society membership had doubled, up to 500 members in forty-one states and 16 foreign countries. But the intensity and sheer amount of work began to take its toll. By 1948, Howard had decided to go on hiatus and not put out anymore issues. He wanted to devote himself to his family and other interests. August Howard was honored for his Antarctic work with the naming of Cape Howard on the Weddell Sea and The Polar Times Glacier by men of Operation HIGH JUMP, who flocked to the society swelling its ranks to over thirteen hundred members by the 1950s.28
Capitalizing on the momentum of HIGH JUMP, a small, privately funded expedition led by Finn Ronne, veteran of Byrd’s earlier expeditions, set up camp at the old East Base on the Antarctic Peninsula. The 23 expedition members were brought south aboard the PORT OF BEAUMONT and the group that wintered included Ronne’s wife, Edith, and Jennie Darlington, wife of one of Ronne’s pilots. A potential political firestorm was averted when Ronne’s camp, which had been setup within distance of the British presence on the peninsula, agreed to cooperate in investigating the area. Some of the expedition’s accomplishments included sledging to Alexander Island and participating in a joint-sledge trip with the British Falkland Islands Dependencies Survey (FIDS) to Bowman Peninsula.29
One major disappointment from HIGH JUMP had been the absence of clear ground control points, lack of which made manufacturing maps difficult. The result was a planned sequel expedition known as Operation WINDMILL. Two U.S. Navy icebreakers, EDISTO and BURTON ISLAND, sailed for the Davis Sea in the 1947-1948 season to establish and photograph some specific ground control points. Bad weather however impeded progress and the ships returned to New Zealand with only partial success.30
Under Siple’s leadership, the American Polar Society organized committees to report on scientific news to popular audiences. By 1949 Siple had established committees for 21 different subjects. The APS had long recognized the achievement of earlier polar personalities with Honorary Memberships always accompanied by a press release. David L. Brainard, one of seven survivors of Greely’s Arctic expedition was the first APS honorary member. Soon Byrd, Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Ellsworth, Gould and Louise A. Boyd followed. The society also undertook to celebrate polar events such as the 40th anniversary of Robert Peary’s North Pole 1909 claim. There was also some discussion and movement on establishing chapters outside of New York such as in Washington DC, Chicago, Seattle and San Francisco.31
The fact that the Arctic region lay between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and might very well prove to be the next battleground, also did not go unnoticed.Preparations for more extensive American research in the Antarctic had been underway for some time, mostly under the guidance of Richard Byrd. But other factors interrupted these plans. Operation HIGH JUMP II, scheduled for the 1949-1950 season, was suddenly canceled by President Harry Truman for several reasons, most notably its high price tag and his animosity towards Richard Byrd’s brother, a U.S. Senator from Virginia. The Cold War dominated foreign policy considerations at this time and Chinese detonation of a nuclear test bomb further complicated an increasingly gloomy international picture. This included rising tensions over Chilean-Argentine-British competing claims on the Antarctic Peninsula. According to polar veteran Siple, the political situation in the Antarctic at this time was “chaotic.”32
However, it was readily apparent to others that definite advantages might be gained from a permanent American presence on the ice. The fact that the Arctic region lay between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and might very well prove to be the next battleground, also did not go unnoticed.33 These tensions seemingly spread to Antarctica when, in June 1950, the Soviet Union announced to the world that they would not recognize any claims or regimes on or for the continent without their active and vocal participation. This determined involvement helped spur a competing American interest. After the Soviet whaling fleet entered Antarctic waters in the late 1940s, America had recognized a potential competitor in the southern hemisphere.34 Geopolitical thinkers in Washington thus turned their attention southward and government elements quietly started to plan for a national effort in the Antarctic, even after the abrupt cancellation of HIGH JUMP II. A British observer noted that the United States Navy at this time was one of very few agencies that could handle such a job.35
At this time there was a political shift regarding Antarctic territorial claims. The United States government had long suppressed any claims of its own while recognizing no other claims at the same time. Cold War implications caused a shift in this attitude and some officials in the State Department began to show an interest in making territorial claims in Antarctica.36 Plans for Operation HIGH JUMP II were quietly resurrected and national committees established to finish these mapping and exploration tasks. The national program also began to consider the idea of permanent bases to secure American hegemony of the region and to forestall any Soviet competition.37
Newer and advanced wheeled multi-engine aircraft could penetrate farther into the continent with longer ranges and heavier payloads and could land virtually year round.There were also several technological advances at this time, which aided U.S. Antarctic plans. World War II had brought about advances in vehicular and aerial transport, aerial survey and photographic equipment and stronger communications capabilities. U.S. Navy ships had been designed to penetrate the pack ice with increasing ease. The newest ship of this type was the icebreaker GLACIER, which sported 10 diesel engines capable of producing 21,000 horsepower. This was a monster compared to earlier icebreaking ships that had half the horsepower. Low ground pressure tractors up to 35 tons in size had been developed and were viewed as necessary Antarctic workhorses such as the tracked jeep-like Weasel and the larger D-8 tractor train machines. Newer and advanced wheeled multi-engine aircraft could penetrate farther into the continent with longer ranges and heavier payloads and could land virtually year round. Aerial survey cameras had advanced to the point where aircraft only needed pilots and technicians, no longer trained geographers to conduct competent aerial imaging. Automatic trimetragon cameras could aim forward, downward, and to each side from aircraft exceeding 200 mph. They could scan and cover horizon to horizon as well as vertical photography. Communications had reached the stage where worldwide contact was possible, so no longer did polar explorers have to be cut off from the outside world for months at a time. These and other recent technological advances provided the requisite hardware and needed logistic capabilities for an intensive, extensive and exhaustive investigation of remote regions of the planet such as Antarctica.38
Aerial survey cameras had advanced to the point where aircraft only needed pilots and technicians, no longer trained geographers to conduct competent aerial imaging.On April 5, 1950 a dinner gathering in a Washington, D.C. suburban home of James A. Van Allen introduced a concept for a multinational comprehensive scientific effort in the Arctic and Antarctic. The idea came from Lloyd V. Berkner who had been a radioman on Byrd’s first Antarctic expedition in 1928. Van Allen, host of the dinner, liked the idea as did the others present including geophysicists Sydney Chapman, J. Wallace Joyce, S. Fred Singer and Ernest H. Vestine.39 All men had been active in earlier scientific efforts, most notably the Second Polar Year. When the idea for a Third Polar Year was proposed by Berkner, everyone agreed.40
A potential roadblock to this grand scheme appeared when the World Meteorological Organization met and concluded that the planned polar studies should encompass the entire planet, not just the polar regions. Chapman considered the possibilities for a truly worldwide scientific endeavor and proposed changing the name to the International Geophysical Year.41 When the Comite Special de l’Annee Geophysique Internationale (CSAGI) met in Amsterdam in October 1952, they agreed with the change and thus the IGY was born. During the meeting, Chapman was elected president and Berkner vice-president. Marcel Nicolet from Belgium was named secretary-general. With the latter addition of two more members, CSAGI’s executive board basically ran the IGY. In subsequent meetings, it was decided that the year would run from July 1, 1957 to December 31, 1958 for a complete ongoing set of observations as well as coinciding with a particularly intense period of sunspot activity as well as some eclipses.42 The idea that the Antarctic would be a major focus of the IGY was “…a foregone conclusion.”43 The United States National Committee for IGY (USNC-IGY) Antarctic Committee was formed and Dr. Laurence M. Gould named as its chairman.44 Dr. Harry Wexler of the U.S. Weather Bureau was appointed as Chief Scientist.
The makeup of these committees and the personalities involved did not exactly ensure harmony. Siple suggested there seemed to be a general bias by some against people who had had previous Antarctic experience, derisively referred to as old-timers. He felt they were considered to be full of “old-wives’ tales unrelated to the modern scene.” The younger members seemed to resent or at least easily dismiss the wisdom and experience of men like Byrd and Siple.45 Incidents of this growing antipathy towards Byrd actually increased during his return to Antarctica for the early stages of the Navy establishing McMurdo and Little America V stations.46 With his health failing, such inconsiderate treatment only diminished Byrd’s final visit to the continent. One Byrd biographer wrote that due to numerous indignities and discourtesies that Byrd faced from many junior officers, his last trip to Antarctica was less than triumphant.47 Regardless of the attitudes of the up-and-comers to the old-timers, plans and objectives nonetheless were established and the committee proposed to build a base at the site of Byrd’s previous Little Americas at the Bay of Whales along the Ross Ice Shelf as its major installation.
It was also at this time that the National Antarctic Program of the United States became a factor in the upcoming polar effort. For the past few years, the government had been considering the establishment of permanent bases to secure American territorial claims on the continent or at least not to fall behind in the rivalry for territory.48 This idea may have been instigated and propelled by an agency as high as the powerful National Security Council.49 Siple thought that the two interests, the national and IGY programs, might not be so mutually exclusive. The two might be combined, although Siple realized that members of the science group would possibly be aghast at that suggestion.50 Albert P. Crary had been named deputy chief scientist to assist Harry Wexler, the chief scientist of the American Antarctic program for the IGY. They felt that the two programs, IGY and non-IGY, did not go to great lengths to keep each other informed. Crary wrote that neither he nor Wexler were able to learn many details of the national program.51
But when Little America V was proposed as a major station, the scientists realized that the government was willing to underwrite a major effort.52 The scientists figured they might be able to get in on something good, so why not then consider even more stations? The result was the proposal and establishment of Byrd Station, located inland about 600 miles from Little America V; Ellsworth Station, located on the Weddell Sea side and long championed by Finn Ronne53; and Wilkes Station on Clark Peninsula at Vincennes Bay. The committee might have felt they were pushing things too far, for when someone proposed even building a station at the geographic south pole, the comment was met with awed silence.54
By the end of 1953, it had been decided that fiscal sponsorship of the USNC-IGY program would be through the National Science Foundation (NSF), a small independent government entity that had been created in 1950 by Congress.55 President Eisenhower’s blessing for America’s participation in the IGY was also needed to help secure congressional funding. The $13 million budget was presented to Congress in June 1954. It was a masterstroke of political planning as the President’s positive backing provided a tremendous boost to funding requests and to the IGY. From this point on, the USNC-IGY committee kept the costs of logistics for Antarctic operations out of their budget.56 The Navy was expected to pick up the difference.
The week-long Paris session was called the First Antarctic Planning Conference of the IGY and their goal was to establish ground rules for Antarctic stations and disclose where they planned to build them. National participants were to outline their aims and the U.S. proposed two more stations to its initial three, adding plans for Ellsworth and Wilkes Stations.57 The Ellsworth idea was not popular with Great Britain, Argentina or Chile. Crary wrote that the decision for those stations was dictated more by national interests than IGY requirements.58 In yet another complication, the USSR delegation arrived late amid rumors of possible plans to build a station at the south pole which may have spurred American decision to double its planned bases.59 A clash with the West appeared imminent when the Soviet Union indeed announced their intention to build a station at the geographic south pole.60 The Paris conference chairman, Professor G. Laclavere of France, was determined to put science ahead of politics.61 Setting the tone for the conference and for the entire program to follow, he stated that the United States had already made that commitment. In Siple’s words, there could be “no backing away now.”62 Some participants voted the pole station the least likely to succeed, but that the United States had committed itself.63 Regardless, the Soviets had injected a competitive element into the IGY.64 At Laclavere’s suggestion, the Soviets agreed to build stations at the geomagnetic pole and the pole of inaccessibility, the point inland farthest from any coast. So in a fit of international competition, the United States had accepted the major challenge of building, supplying and staffing a research station at one of the most inhospitable locations on the planet in addition to its other major and minor stations.65Most agreed that the conference was a critical success, mostly by the deft guidance and political handling of Laclevere.66
The Department of Defense was instructed to furnish whatever support was needed and designated the U.S. Navy as the executive agent to accomplish the task of building these stations. It was designated Operation DEEP FREEZE and proved to be an unqualified success. Admiral George J. Dufek was named commander of the United States Naval Support Force Antarctica and Navy Task Force 43.67 Admiral Byrd was given the largely ceremonial title Officer-in-Charge, U.S. Antarctic programs, and senior U.S. representative. Officially, Dufek was to plan the expedition, while Byrd was to monitor all activities.
The ATKA traveled almost half the continent’s coast and encountered extensive pack ice suffering slight damage to one of its two propellers, the death of a pilot and the loss of a helicopter.While massive preparations were underway for the first phase (DEEP FREEZE I) and early planning being done for the second phase (DEEP FREEZE II), it was proposed to send a reconnaissance foray into Antarctic waters for the austral summer of 1954-1955 to scout out preferable sites for stations as well as conduct some scientific investigations along the way.68 The mission was assigned to the icebreaker ATKA, commanded by Captain Glen Jacobsen. With a length of 269 feet and a beam of 63.5 feet, the ship carried three Bell helicopters, two tracked weasels, a crew of 242 enlisted men, eleven scientists and technicians, 22 officers (6 of which were observers) and one correspondent, Walter Sullivan of the New York Times.69 Only five of the 276 crew had ever been to Antarctica before.70 The voyage accomplished much.71 The ATKA traveled almost half the continent’s coast and encountered extensive pack ice suffering slight damage to one of its two propellers, the death of a pilot and the loss of a helicopter. The Bay of Whales was found to be unsuitable for Little America V although an alternate site at nearby Kainan Bay would work. Another site on the Weddell Sea side of the continent also looked promising for Ellsworth Station. Admiral Dufek reported that without the ATKA’s voyage, Operation DEEP FREEZE would have been a failure.72 Perhaps most important, the ATKA’s report that the Bay of Whales was no longer suitable for Little America V caused a shift in planning. The proposed air operating facility at McMurdo Sound on Ross Island now became designated as the main base for Navy operations.73 It was a fortuitous decision as today Little America V is long gone while McMurdo Station has grown to become the largest and all inclusive American base on the continent.
Operation DEEP FREEZE I results were better than anticipated. Two major self-sustaining stations, McMurdo and Little America V, were built. Major depots had been stockpiled at those two stations for the planned South Pole and Byrd Stations. A tractor party surveyed and flagged a trail a considerable distance to the planned Byrd Station site, although a complete and safe route was not been found. Sites for future stations had been surveyed including a quick stop by one of the damaged icebreakers at Cape Adare. Brief landings had taken place in Dronning Maud Land and the Baleena Islands. Nearly one million square miles of new territory had been explored and flown over and a store of cold weather flying experience had been gained.74 The station in McMurdo Sound was deemed the main depot site for the South Pole station due to doubts about repeated use of the snow compacted runway at Little America V.75 A station 280 miles to the north near Cape Adare, to be named Hallett, was proposed as a weather observation and communications site since it was near the halfway point between New Zealand and McMurdo. Weather communications and a beacon for inbound aircraft could be provided.76 Likewise, a temporary station near the Liv and Beardmore Glaciers would act as halfway point and refueling stop for planes coming back from the South Pole as well as pass along weather information.77
In the United States, DEEP FREEZE I participants now made plans for DEEP FREEZE II. Paul Frazier noted a difference in that people were more apt to speak their minds this time around than during the first operation.78 He also recognized that DEEP FREEZE II’s magnitude of operations was exceedingly more complex. Admiral Dufek coordinated the plans and details for the upcoming season, but in early summer received word that the job ahead had changed. Most U.S. Navy functions were canceled such as further deep aerial exploration and photography of the continent. Dufek wrote that the Navy’s only mission now was to support the U.S. National Committee for the IGY.79 The Navy’s budget for Task Force 43 had been slashed from the expected $58 million. The Vice Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Donald B. Duncan, had reported to Eisenhower that the Navy could not spend $58 million from its own budget and so it was reduced to $22 million with the words “do the best you can do.”80
When President Eisenhower saw the expected costs, he wanted further clarification about just what was expected of the United States down in Antarctica. Alan Waterman of the NSF told him that they were only obligated to the IGY and nothing else.81 Result was the end of Byrd’s U.S. National Program and a redefinition of the military’s role. Byrd’s ideas of a permanent American presence on the continent long after the IGY put him at odds with the USNC-IGY council and put Siple in the awkward position in between. He recalled seeing the faces of council members flush when Byrd spoke of American territorial claims and permanent bases in Antarctica, as though Byrd had said something obscene.82 But Byrd would not be deterred and devoted much of his remaining strength and time working towards American involvement with Antarctica for after the IGY. He reasoned that the IGY stations, once the program ended, could be used as further evidence for the need to continue being there. Sadly, Richard E. Byrd died in March 1957 just as DEEP FREEZE II was getting underway. America had lost its most vocal champion of the southern lands, its very own Admiral of the Antarctic.
One result of the military-science impasse was that there were two distinct and separate groups of men at each station during IGY, the scientists doing their observations and studies and the military men supporting them in their endeavors. The scientific crew was somewhat balanced with the Navy assortment of technicians, cooks, carpenters, radio operators and other support personnel. The USNC-IGY committee picked their science staffs and the military picked their own men.83 Selection processes were not alike. The USNC-IGY selection board seemed to have been more rigorous than what the Navy did with their volunteers. Siple reported that the military did not screen as much or as well as the science men did in regards to applicants. He noted that, throughout the season, the military had a lot more physical ailments and sociological adjustments that had to be made for the extreme conditions.84
With the idea of two distinct groups operating at each station, the question naturally and quickly arose as to who would be in overall charge. Siple felt that one person should be in charge and that he should be a civilian. Dufek demurred and suggested a split command. He said that no navy men would take orders from civilian scientists, although Siple had experience with just that during his time as leader of West Base from 1939-1941. It was a thorny issue and neither side appeared willing to budge. After many meetings and with much misgiving, Siple finally accepted the idea of a split command and hoped that the two men at each station would get along for the sake of morale during the intense winter months. It was, he wrote, one battle that he had hated to lose.85 Dufek wrote that from the beginning, the Navy had a pleasant relationship with the scientists. “They told us where they wanted the stations erected, for how many men, and the types and quantities of equipment required” and that the United States Navy “did the rest.”86
At this time, Siple was heavily recruited to go south one more time and become scientific leader at the South Pole Station. Initially adverse to the idea, the pressure mounted especially from people like Laurence Gould and Hugh Odishaw. In an ironic twist, the Defense Department pressured him to go by using his vast Antarctic experience as the reason why he should. The argument was used that the men there needed a veteran like him in such a hostile environment. But it finally took Admiral Byrd to convince him, saying that Siple must go and that only someone like him would have the authority to call it off if it was deemed not safe to live there. Siple relented and was officially appointed in September.87
It seemed that Antarctica was fast losing its luster as an unknown mystery land and becoming instead a huge laboratory for research.Throughout the summer and early fall, politics dominated the news with the upcoming presidential election. In fact, Patrick Trese of NBC News noted that DEEP FREEZE II was lucky to receive any airtime at all during the election season.88 When Admiral Dufek’s plane landed at the South Pole at the end of October 1956, the story was given six inches in the second section of the New York Times. Eisenhower’s reelection a few days later dominated the headlines. News did occasionally seep out from the press corps stationed in Antarctica but it was mostly due to timing. Dufek’s landing at the pole got little press, but a month later Air Force Sergeant Richard Patton parachuted down from 1500 feet to the South Pole and found himself on the front page of all the major papers including the New York Times.89 Magazines such as Popular Mechanics, Saturday Evening Post, Nature Magazine, Scientific American, Senior Scholastic and the National Geographic put out stories of the work being done and there appeared updates in weekly magazines such as Newsweek, Business Week, LIFE, US News and World Report and TIME. In fact, TIME had Paul Siple on its cover for the December 31, 1956 issue.
It soon became a challenge for the press corps as the “firsts” began to evaporate. Events such as first to land at the pole, first to traverse the continent, first to spend the winter at the pole and so on, soon ended and the story of the struggle against the elements became almost routine.90 It seemed that Antarctica was fast losing its luster as an unknown mystery land and becoming instead a huge laboratory for research. Yes, it was still interesting and exciting and sometimes dangerous, but had become decidedly more ordinary as focus shifted from exploration to scientific investigation. Culturally, the place evolved as well especially for the participants who had been a part of it from the beginning. By the end of DEEP FREEZE III, Pan Am stewardesses had arrived, naval aviators were ordered to shave, and numerous politicians had been given obligatory flights over the pole. Ironically, men such as Trese resented the evolution and felt that Antarctica had become too crowded and much too civilized.91
Operation DEEP FREEZE II established new stations, relieved and resupplied the existing ones and conducted a wide-ranging scientific program in anticipation of the start of the International Geophysical Year. Throughout the operation, “…weather conditions were uncommonly good during these preliminary stages, and with close planning, all operations proceeded as planned – in fact, ahead of schedule.”92 Five additional stations were established, two more than originally planned. By the end of the operation, the United States was ready to officially begin the IGY with seven fully staffed and functional research stations, competent lines of supply and communications, and scientists and research equipment ready to go.
With the success of the DEEP FREEZES and then the IGY, Antarctica was back in the news. August Howard had also returned to putting out issues of The Polar Times, resuming publication in 1955. The ratification of the Antarctic Treaty in 1959 and its implementation in June 1961 ushered in a more lasting American presence on the continent with ongoing scientific research and three permanent American stations on Ross Island in McMurdo Sound, the geographic South Pole and Palmer Station on the Antarctic Peninsula.93 With more people visiting and working in Antarctica (as well as in the Arctic), APS membership blossomed to over 2300 members by 1975. A slow decline after that, however, resulted in about 1600 members by the 1980s and under a thousand by 1996 due mostly to the fact that Antarctic research had become almost routine without the glamour of ‘expeditions’ and such. This was a significant challenge for the society as older members retired and passed away and fewer new members replaced them. There was also no central office and no salaried staff and The Polar Times timeliness began to be outstripped by bibliographic and computer databases.94
August Howard died of heart disease in 1988 and although he never visited the continent, his contribution to the Antarctic was huge. In 1989, Howard was succeeded by Peter Anderson of the Byrd Polar Research Center, but soon suffered some medical issues of his own. The society languished for a few years until 1992 when Captain Brian Shoemaker took responsibility for publishing The Polar Times, which started appearing regularly in 1993. Shoemaker was also instrumental in establishing an oral history program funded by the National Science Foundation with the Byrd Polar Research Center. For the next seven years, Captain Shoemaker almost single handedly ran the APS. The summer 2000 issue of The Polar Times submitted an appeal for volunteers to help out and Frank Stokes signed on as society secretary, David Baker as its treasurer and Charles Kremenak as its membership chair. Duties with the society’s publication were also divided among Jeff Rubin as Antarctic Editor, David Norton as Arctic Editor and Cliff Bekkedahl as Editor, now the publication’s Managing Editor.
The APS rebounded nicely with this division of labor and a string of competent presidents, officers and board members. The publication has become colorized and expansive in content and feature and membership has slowed its decrease and is currently holding steady. As we near the end of the 21st century’s first decade, it can be reported that the American Polar Society is doing fine with about 1000 members. All continents and hemispheres are represented as well as most of the 50 states. The current president is John Behrendt, an IGY and DEEP FREEZE veteran. The society has also decided to embrace the internet and has established a website (www.americanpolarsociety.org) and it continues to put out on a biannual basis its outstanding publication The Polar Times. In April 2007, the APS helped host a polar symposium with the Byrd Polar Research Center in Columbus Ohio that was well attended. The American Polar Society formed as a reflection of the American interest in the Antarctic. Many of its members have lived, worked or studied there and the society allows them an opportunity to maintain their connection with the region and fellow members. While American history in the Antarctic helped to launch the APS, the APS has, in turn, worked to illuminate and publicize this rich history. APS and Antarctica are inextricably linked and their combined story has been a fascinating adventure.
- Gurney, Alan Below the Convergence: Voyages Toward Antarctica, 1699-1839 (NY: W.W. Norton & Co, 1997), 138.
- Headland, Robert K. Chronological List of Antarctic Expeditions and Related Historical Events (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 76.
- Headland, 79-127.
- “’Nat’ Palmer and the Antarctic” The Outing Magazine Vol.LXII, No.1 (April 1913), 48; Bertrand, Kenneth J. Americans in Antarctica 1775-1948 (NY: AGS, 1971), 60-88; and www.antarcticaonline.com/antarctica/history/history.htm (03/05/2009).
- See Daniel L. McKinley’s James Eights: Antarctic Explorer, Albany Naturalist – His Life, His Times, His Works (Albany: NY Ed Dpt, 2005); www.antarcticaonline.com/antarctica/history/history.htm (3/5/09); and Jeff Rubin, personal communication, January 21, 2010.
- See Alan Gurney’s The Race to the White Continent: Voyages to the Antarctic (NY: W.W. Norton & Co, 2000); and http://www.antarcticaonline.com/antarctica/history/history.htm (03/05/2009).
- See William Stanton’s The Great United States Exploring Expedition of 1838-1842 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); The Autobiography of Rear Admiral Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy 1798-1877 (Washington, DC: Department of the Navy, 1978); H.H. Bartlett’s “The reports of the Wilkes expedition and the work of the specialists in science” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (1940) 82, 601-705; D.B. Tyler’s The Wilkes Expedition Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968; Bertrand, 158-197; Nathaniel Philbrick’s Sea of Glory: America’s Voyage of Discovery the U.S. Exploring Expedition 1838-1842. NY: Viking, 2003; and http://www.antarcticaonline.com/antarctica/history/history.htm (03/05/2009).
- See T.H. Baughman’s Before the Heroes Came: Antarctica in the 1890s (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994); Reader’s Digest Antarctica: Great Stories from the Frozen Continent (Sydney: Reader’s Digest, 1985); and Frederick J. Turner’s The Frontier In American History at (http://xroads.virginia.edu/~Hyper/TURNER/).
- Headland, 167, 172; and www.antarcticaonline.com/antarctica/history/history.htm (03/05/2009).
- Headland, 189, 194-5, 204, 225, 234, 240, 243, 255.
- Headland, 263, 269.
- See Frederick A. Cook’s Through the First Antarctic Night 1898-1899 (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1980); Adrien de Gerlache’s Voyage of the Belgica: Fifteen Months in the Antarctic (Bluntisham: Bluntisham Books, 2000); and Roald Amundsen’s Belgica Diary: The First Scientific Expedition to the Antarctic (Bluntisham: Bluntisham Books, 1999).
- See Frederick A. Cook’s Through the First Antarctic Night 1898-1899 (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1980); Adrien de Gerlache’s Voyage of the Belgica: Fifteen Months in the Antarctic (Bluntisham: Bluntisham Books, 2000); and Roald Amundsen’s Belgica Diary: The First Scientific Expedition to the Antarctic (Bluntisham: Bluntisham Books, 1999).
- Headland, 261, 268.
- See Richard E. Byrd’s Little America: Aerial Exploration in the Antarctic the Flight to the South Pole (NY: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1930); Laurence M. Gould’s Cold: The Record of an Antarctic Sledge Journey (MN: Carleton College, 1984); Eugene Rodgers’ Beyond the Barrier: The Story of Byrd’s First Expedition to Antarctica (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1990); and Bertrand, 290-312.
- Goerler, Raimund E. and Lynn Lay “The American Polar Society: Past, Present and Future” The Polar Times Vol. 3 No. 4 (Fall/Winter, 2003), 6.
- See August Horowitz to Mrs. Marie Ames Byrd, October 26, 1933, RG 56.16, box 1, folder 6, The Ohio State University Archives.
- See Richard E. Byrd’s Discovery: The Story of the Second Byrd Antarctic Expedition (NY: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1935); Richard E. Byrd’s Alone: The Classic Polar Adventure (NY: Kodansha International, 1995); M. L. Paine’s Footsteps on the Ice: The Antarctic Diaries of Stuart D. Paine, Second Byrd Expedition. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2007); and Bertrand, 313-361.
- See RG 56.16, box 1, folder 8, The Ohio State University Archives.
- Goerler and Lay, (2003), 7.
- Goerler and Lay, (2003), 7.
- See Lincoln Ellsworth’s Beyond Horizons (NY: The Book League of America, 1938); and Bertrand, 362-394, 395-406.
- Goerler and Lay, (2003), 7.
- See Catherine Holder Spude and Robert L. Spude’s East Base Historic Monument Stonington Island/Antarctic Peninsula (Denver: U.S. DOI, National Park Service, 1993); Bertrand, 407-482; and Michael Parfit’s “Reclaiming a Lost Antarctic Base” National Geographic Magazine (March,1993), 110-126.
- See Richard E. Byrd’s “All-out Assault on Antarctica: Operation DEEP FREEZE Carves Out United States Bases for a Concerted International Attack on Secrets of the Frozen Continent” National Geographic Magazine (August, 1956), 141-180; Menster, William J.’s Strong Men South (Dubuque: Stromen Publishing Co, 1999); and Bertrand, 483-513.
- Fogg, G.E. A History of Antarctic Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 167.
- Siple, Paul A., 90° South: The Story of the American South Pole Conquest (NY: G.P.Putnam’s Sons, 1959), 79.
- Raimund E. Goerler and Lynn Lay “The American Polar Society: Past, Present and Future” The Polar Times Vol. 3 No. 5 (Spring/Summer, 2004), 4.
- See Finn Ronne’s Antarctic Conquest: The Story of the Ronne Expedition, 1946-1948 (NY: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1949); J. Darlington’s My Antarctic Honeymoon: A Year at the Bottom of the World (London: Frederick Muller, 1957); Finn Ronne’s Ronne Antarctic Research Expedition 1946-1948: Reports Covering Tests Conducted on the Ronne Antarctic Research Expedition of the American Antarctic Association, Inc. for U.S. Air Force under Contract No. W33-038 ac-16047 (17112) (DC: U.S. Air Force Report, 1948); Ronne, Edith M. “Jackie” Antarctica’s First Lady: Memoirs of the First Woman to set Foot on the Antarctic Continent and Winter-Over (Beaumont: Clifton Steamboat Museum, 2004) and Bertrand, 514-532.
- Bertrand, 533-546 and Edward W. Koenig’s The Antarctic Journal of a Sailor on “Operation Windmill” 1947-48 (Bloomington: Authorhouse, 2007).
- Goerler and Lay (2004), 4.
- Siple, 90° South, 82; and Heron, David Winston “Antarctic Claims” Foreign Affairs Vol. 32 No. 4 (July 1954), 661-667.
- See P.J. Beck’s The International Politics of Antarctica (London: Croom Helm, 1986); “The Cold War Reaches the Antarctic” Fortune Vol. 1 No. 5 (November 1954), 111; and Crary, Albert P. “International Geophysical Year: Its evolution and U.S. participation” Antarctic Journal of the United States Volume XVII Number 4 (December 1982), 1.
- Fogg, 168; and Sullivan, Walter “Antarctica in a Two-Power World” Foreign Affairs Vol. 36 No. 1 (October 1957), 154-166.
- Foster, M.J.N. “Operation DEEP FREEZE I” The Geographical Journal Vol. CXXIII (March 1957), 1.
- The Polar Times, No. 41, December 1955, 3.
- See Christopher C. Joyner and Ethel R. Theis’ Eagle Over the Ice: The U.S. in the Antarctic (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1997); and Siple, 90° South, 95.
- Roscoe, John “Antarctic Photogeography” in Antarctica in the International Geophysical Year: Based on a Symposium on the Antarctic (DC: AGU, 1956), 19; and Siple, Paul A., “Antarctic Geography” in Antarctica in the International Geophysical Year, 13-14.
- Sullivan, Walter A. Assault on the Unknown: The International Geophysical Year (NY: McGraw-Hill Book Co, Inc., 1961), 20.
- Chapman, Sydney IGY: Year of Discovery, the story of the International Geophysical Year (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 1959), 101.
- Crary, 2.
- Sullivan, Assault, 27.
- Kaplan, Joseph “The International Geophysical Year Program of the United States” Antarctica in the International Geophysical Year, 1-4; and Gould, Laurence M. “Introduction,” Antarctica in the International Geophysical Year, v.
- Siple, 90° South, 94.
- Siple, 90° South, 93-94.
- Siple, 90° South, 113-114, 115, 119, 123.
- Hoyt, Edwin The Last Explorer: The Adventures of Admiral Byrd (NY: The John Day Co., 1968), 365-366.
- Sullivan, Walter Quest For a Continent (NY: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1957), 300.
- Sullivan, Assault, 27.
- Siple, 90° South, 95.
- Crary, 4.
- Sullivan, Assault, 27.
- Ronne, Finn “The Weddell Sea Area,” Antarctica in the International Geophysical Year, 22-26.
- Siple, 90° South, 97.
- Dufek, George J. Operation DEEP FREEZE (NY: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc, 1957), 37.
- Crary, 3.
- Antarctic Program of the United States National Committee for the International Geophysical Year, 1957-58 (D.C.: NAS – National Research Council, 1957), 51.
- Crary, 4.
- Sullivan, Quest, 339.
- Mason, Theodore K. On the Ice in Antarctica (NY: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1978), 93.
- Gould, Laurence M. “Emergence of Antarctica: The Mythical Land,” in Frozen Future: A Prophetic Report From Antarctica (NY: Quadrangle Books, Inc, 1973), 24.
- Siple, 90° South, 99.
- Euller, John Antarctic World (London: Abelard-Schuman, 1960), 130.
- Sullivan, Quest, 338, 339.
- Antarctic Program, 1-4.
- Carter, Paul A. Little America: Town at the end of the world (NY: Columbia University Press, 1979), 289, endnote 8.
- See George J. Dufek “Operation DEEP FREEZE Fits Out” US Naval Institute Proceedings (March 1956), 278-289; Antarctic Program, 51; and Sullivan, Assault, 27-28.
- Humphrey, Paul “Voyage of the Atka” Scientific American (September 1955), 50-55.
- The Polar Times, No. 40 (June 1955), 3.
- Sullivan, Quest, 301.
- Jacobsen, Glen “What We Found in the Antarctic” Saturday Evening Post (July 1955), 50-55; Linehan, Daniel “Operation DEEP FREEZE I” America (August 1956), 420-422; and Antarctic Program, 51-52.
- Dufek, Operation DEEP FREEZE, 42, 43; The Polar Times, No. 40 (June 1955), 5, 7, 9; and Sullivan, Quest, 220, 301-302, 314-315, 329, 330.
- Dufek, Operation DEEP FREEZE, 49.
- See Jack Bursey’s Antarctic Night: One Man’s Story of 28, 224 Hours at the Bottom of the World. (NY: Rand McNally & Co, 1957); Siple, 90° South, 103-104; and Euller, 138.
- Carter, 245.
- Dufek, Operation DEEP FREEZE, 51.
- Siple, 90° South, 105-106.
- Frazier, Paul Antarctic Assault (NY: Dodd, Mead & Co, 1958), 149.
- Dufek, Operation DEEP FREEZE, 162.
- Crary, 4.
- Siple, 90° South, 126.
- Siple, 90° South, 127.
- See Richard Lee Chappell’s Antarctic Scout (NY: Dodd, Mead & Co, 1959).
- Siple, 90° South, 128.
- Siple, 90° South, 129.
- Dufek, Operation DEEP FREEZE, 169.
- The Polar Times, No. 43 (December 1956), 5.
- Trese, Patrick Penguins Have Square Eyes: An Antarctic Adventure (NY: Holt, Rhinehart & Winston, 1962), 19, 104.
- Trese, 104.
- Siple, Paul, “We Are Living at the South Pole” National Geographic (July 1957), 5-35; and Siple, Paul “Man’s First Winter at the South Pole” National Geographic (April 1958), 439-478.
- Trese, 216.
- Carl R. Eklund and Joan Beckman Antarctica: Polar Research and Discovery During the International Geophysical Year (NY: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963), 44.
- See F.M. Auburn’s, Antarctic Laws and Politics (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1982); E.W. Hunter Christie’s, The Antarctic Problem (London: George Allen and Unwin LTD, 1951); Donald R. Rothwell’s, The Polar Regions and the Development of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Science and Stewardship in the Antarctic (DC: NAP, 1993).
- Goerler and Lay (2004), 5.